Benjamin G. Davis, Associate Professor of Law, University of Toledo College of Law
As I frequently do Sunday's mornings in Toledo, picked up the Sunday Toledo Blade at the 7/11 (Comenatchi?...
A Community of Progressive Law Teachers Working For Justice, Diversity and Academic Excellence
Benjamin G. Davis, Associate Professor of Law, University of Toledo College of Law
As I frequently do Sunday's mornings in Toledo, picked up the Sunday Toledo Blade at the 7/11 (Comenatchi?...
By Benjamin G. Davis, Associate Professor of Law, University of Toledo College of Law
(Update: Other than Romney and Obama, I am avoiding using names of others here to respect their privacy....
Judicial vacancies restrict access to the federal courts, make litigation more expensive, and insidiously undermine the credibility of government. And a confirmation process that prevents qualified candidates of an elected president’s party from taking office sways the judiciary further to the right despite an election where voters said civil liberties, clean air, privacy, reproductive rights, social justice, and corporate accountability were important issues for our federal government to maintain and safeguard.
The Alliance for Justice has created a fantastic resource to help educate voters and civic leaders about the state of judicial nominations. The Judicial Selection Project has a running count of vacancies in the district and circuit courts, along with profiles of all of the current nominees. It’s a great lesson in the advise & consent function of the Senate, or at least what can go wrong with it.
This morning NPR broadcast a report on the millionaire contributors to the various Super PACS which will only fuel the vitriol of this presidential election cycle. The list of contributors, those who have given a million or more and to which PAC, is available on line. Robert Smith, the NPR reporter, focused on Steven Lund, who had set up a phony corporation to hide the fact that he had given $1 million to Restore our Future, the Super PAC supporting Mitt Romney. I could have easily slipped into cynicism, believing that Citizens United (2010) was indeed the death knell of our democracy. I could have slipped deeper into despair thinking that the U.S. Supreme Court might overturn Citizens United, but not before the Super PACS had done their damage and gotten Obama out of office. At first I tried to elicit Stephen Colbert’s satire, his Super PAC, Making a Better Tomorrow, Tomorrow. But even Stephen’s wicked humor didn’t help. That’s all I could conjure was a scene of depressed and disappointed would-be voters who might just sit out this election. I was recognizing the symptoms: cynicism, passivity, and victimhood. These are self-government’s deadly enemies.
Posted by Lisa R. Pruitt
The Occupy Wall Street movement has recently drawn national attention to economic inequality, and several new studies and a book just published also invite us to...
Written by Raquel Aldana, University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law
Today was a historic day for Guatemala. A few hours ago, after a long day of heady hearings, a Guatemalan...
I think the major problem with David Segal’s November 19, 2011 article in The New York Times, like much of what has been written in the vein lately, is that the perspective is way too narrowly on the large law firms and the elite law schools. While many law schools follow the lead of the elites, many also do not, but most of the schools who do not follow the model as closely are the lower ranked schools. The large law firms could solve some of their problems by recruiting at law schools that actually do produce practice ready graduates. USNews is also a big factor and could change the ranking formula to account for practice ready curriculum and teaching excellence. I realize that there has been a trickle down effect in the legal job market so that all new graduates are likely to find themselves competing with more experienced lawyers for any openings, but that is likely a very short term effect, and many of the newly unemployed former associates from large firms will find that they actually did not get much useful transferable experience during the first couple of years at those firms.
The first rule of persuasion is to choose when to begin a story. All of this talk about deregulation of legal education and the practice of law as being good for everyone needs some historical context. (This talk sounds dangerously like it was manufactured by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce). I started that examination last week when I posted Deregulation is Just Another Word for … . Today I am moving deeper into history to help us understand how the legal profession became a profession. It’s not a pretty story, because it happened here in the United States: a radical, young, immature, racist, and intolerant place that has always had a hard time living up to its aspirations.
Looking back to the time when the American Bar Association—ABA—first began to influence legal education, I am once again heavily relying on the scholarship of Robert Stevens, Law School: Legal Education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s (University of North Carolina Press 1983).
By Lisa R. Pruitt
Americans like to think they live in a society unstratified by class, a society of equal opportunity, where the American dream survives. Joe Bageant, a journalist turned...
Amidst the discouraging stream of newspaper articles and blogs this summer demonizing law school deans, accusing university presidents of raiding law school tuition revenues, and suggesting a giant conspiracy to cover up the fact that there are very few $160,000 a year jobs for recent law school graduates, it appears that only the oblivious might consider enrolling in law school this fall. I beg to disagree. Now is the right time to encourage students from diverse racial, ethnic, and economic backgrounds to consider a legal education. We cannot allow the legal profession a detour from its mission to produce lawyers and leaders from all communities due to the economic downturn.